| For the past one year since May 9, 2018, the sound and fury of racial and religious rhetoric have pushed the agenda of social inclusion and moderation into the back burner. Consider the following statements:
Many blame the voters’ disenchantment to Harapan’s non-fulfilment of its election manifesto. Merdeka Center suggests the drop in support is due to unhappiness pf voters with the state of the economy, performance of the administration and concerns on Malay rights and privileges, as well as fair treatment of the other races. Many commentators say the Harapan government should focus on immediate implementation of its election manifesto.
Experts have found that ethnicity “embodies an element of emotional intensity that can be readily aroused when the group’s interest are thought to be at stake.” A sudden major change, such as the collapse of communism in Bosnia and decolonisation in Rwanda and Sri Lanka, upsets previous political and institutional arrangements.
Umno, from its inception in 1946, sought leadership in the quest for independence through the social construction of Malay identity. In doing so, Umno perpetuated the myth and continued with the false pseudo-scientific claims of the colonial masters, such as “the lazy Malay,” the “venal Chinese” and the “cringing and cheating Indian”. While the British used these stereotypes to justify imperialism, Umno used them to justify their hold on political power.
The Umno elites have taken advantage of their dominant position to assume a position they have a manifestly divine right to scarce resources, contracts, monopolistic power, economic advantages and privileges. Political patronage and rent-seeking behaviour have become the accepted norm. State institutions’ legitimisation and promotion of ethnic intolerance fulfil the third condition of the perfect storm of ethnic conflict.Political entrepreneurs must possess the skills and ability to articulate in a coherent and plausible fashion, the structure of opportunities and constraints that face the particular ethnic group and the potential costs of not acting collectively. Umno and PAS leaders have long mastered these skills.
The combination of Umno and PAS enjoying two-thirds of Malay support fulfils the requirement of the In-Group being likely to be on the winning side. The proven Umno machinery of institutionalised political patronage is seen as a credible confirmation that their offer of material rewards will be honoured.
TERBAEK PAS UMNO.